The Khasi and Jaintia Tribes of Barak Valley, Assam

 THE KHASI & JAINTIA TRIBES OF BARAK VALLEY, ASSAM

A Report

1. Introduction

The Khasi and Jaintia tribes living in Assam have their origins in the present day Khasi and Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya state in Northeast India and therefore share their early history with the tribes living there. Very little is known of their ancient history for want of written records; but Neolithic findings tell that they belong to an ancient race (Bhattacharya 2002)[1].

The Khasi and Jaintia tribes are of a Mongoloid race whose languages belong to the Austroasiatic language family. The term Khasi has been used in the past, and even today, to refer to the indigenous tribes living in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills which include the seven tribes of the Khasi race, namely, the Khynriam, Pnar, Bhoi, War, Lyngngam, Marram and the now never-heard of Diko. The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India however lists all these tribes together under the larger tribe name Khasi. The Khynriam are concentrated in the upland regions of Khasi Hills with the Bhoi on the north; the Marram and Lyngngams in the west Khasi Hills, the Pnar in Jaintia Hills and the War are concentrated in the southern slopes of both Khasi and Jaintia Hills. The War in Khasi Hills are known as War-Khasi while the War in Jaintia Hills are knows as War-Jaintia.

The term Jaintia is an exoethnonym (exonym) which has gradually been accepted as an endoethnonym (endonym) (Sen 2002)[2]. Another exonym used by other Khasi tribes and neighbouring tribes for the Jaintias is ‘Synteng’. In the Buranjis of Assam, they are referred to as the ‘Jayantia’[3]. Today, the term Jaintia is used to refer to the Bhois, the Pnars and the Wars mainly inhabiting the Jaintia Hills. The Jaintias are also found in the plains of Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi districts of Assam, Karbi Anglong, North Cachar Hills and several other districts of Assam and also in the district of Sylhet in Bangladesh.

2. Origin of the Khasi and Jaintia tribes

The Khasi and Jaintia have very similar legends about their origin. According to one legend, God called for a council in heaven in which it was decided that seven of the sixteen clans living in heaven were to descend to Earth to till the land, populate it and to rule and govern it. These seven clans that came down to Earth through the Golden Ladder are believed to be the ancestors of the seven tribes of the Khasi race including the Khynriam, Pnar, Bhoi, War, Marram, Lyngngam and the now never-heard of Diko[4]. Till today, the Khasi tribes call themselves ‘Ki Khun U Hynñiew Trep’ (children of the seven huts).

Another legend on which is based the scholarly argument that the Khasis and Jaintias are descended from the same ancestress tells of a woman named Iawtalang of the Talang clan who had nine daughters and lived in Pamchadong village on the southern slope of Jaintia Hills. On one occasion, the husband of the youngest sister cooked the after-birth of his wife and fed it to the elder sisters saying that it was the meat of a sacrificial rooster.  He later told them the truth and taunted them as devourers of their own kith and kin. Overcome with shame, the other eight sisters fled the village taking their separate directions and settling in different parts of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills and founding their own clans[5]. Thus, till today, we have the Talang clan in Chyrmang, the Buam in Thangbuli, the Nongtdu in Rymbai and Khliehriat, the Pyrtuh in Sohmynting, the Syntung and Suting in Khasi Hills, another Talang in Maroblang and the Lyngdoh Talang in Nongtalang. All these clans are said to have descended from these eight sisters. The youngest daughter remained at Pamchadong but changed her clan name to Ñialang after her own name. And till today, these clans still respect and maintain their clan ties.

Another oral tradition tells of a myth which narrates the origins of the clans settled around Jowai from the four wombs (Soo-Kpoh) of Ka Bon, Ka Tein, Ka Wet and Ka Doh[6]. Again, it has also been computed by scholars that U Chyngklein Am, the eldest son of Ka Li Dakha and u Woh Ryndi ruled the Jaintia state in the 3^rd Century BC[7].

3. The Khasi and Jaintia Tribes during Prehistoric times

Since the Khasi race have no written records of their ancient history, we can only rely on scholarly works which have tried to study the origin and history of the Khasi tribes. The Khasi have no script of their own; it has been said that they had lost their script in the course of their migration in the distant past beyond reckoning. Gurdon (1914) ascribes the loss of the Khasi script to a flood in Sylhet[8]. Oral tradition also refers to the same but in some versions, it has been mentioned that the script was destroyed by water while the person carrying it in his mouth was swimming across a river[9]. The present script of the Khasis based on the Roman script had been written by Thomas Jones in 1841 and printed at the Calcutta Baptist Press in 1842[10].

The Khasis (including all sister tribes) represent one of the earliest waves of migration to North East India[11]. Neolithic findings tell that they belong to an ancient race with roots in the Mekong valley in Cambodia[12]. Studies in linguistics also trace the origin of the Khasian languages to the lower Mekong valley[13]. Recent studies, using radiocarbon dating of charcoal from iron slag, revealed evidence of continuous iron smelting in the hills of Meghalaya and has been dated to 2040 ± 80 years BP (353 BC – AD 128)[14]. This proves beyond doubt that the Khasi and Jaintia are original settlers of the North Eastern region of India and also lends credence to Pakem’s claim that the Megaliths in Jaintia hills were erected around the Iron Age[15]. Pakem (1977) also stated that the Jaintia Kingdom existed as early as the 5^th Century BC when a Jaintia Royal embassy was reported to have visited China[16].

4. Recorded History of the Khasi and Jaintia tribes

The Khasi and Jaintia tribes, being self-reliant, lived in isolation for a very long period of time in the hills. They had also developed their own democratic system of governance since ancient times. The first encounter of the Khasi with other tribes took place only in the 16^th century AD during the reign of the Koch king Naranarayana[17] and the first contact between the Ahoms and the kingdom of Jaintia dates from the beginning of the 17^th century AD during the reign of the Ahom king, Pratap Singh (1603-41 AD)[18]. Though the Khasis had many kingdoms (principalities), and the Jaintias only one, the chronicles of the Ahom, Koch and Kachari kings mentioned most prominently and almost exclusively only the Rajas of Jaintia and Khairam (Khyrim)[19]. The history of these relations have also been described by Gait (1926), Mackenzie (1995), Bhuyan (1937), Chowdhury (1978) and Goswami (2012) besides other authors and scholars. Relics and coins have been found which testify to the existence of the Khasi and Jaintia kings in the past.

During some parts of their shared history with the Ahoms and Kacharis, territories changed hands between them. By the time the British set foot on the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, the Jaintia Kingdom had expanded into the southern plains of Sylhet and also north to the Barak river in Assam[20]. Specific mention may be made of the Kachari king Jasa Narayan who marched against the kingdom of the Jaintias. In the first encounter with the Jaintias, the Kacharis were defeated but in the second encounter, the Jaintias were defeated and Mulagul was fixed as the boundary between Cachar and Jaintia[21].

The first encounter of the British with the Jaintias occurred in 1774 when Major Henniker attacked them[22]. The cause of the attack was never recorded; but most probably it was a boundary dispute which cropped up after the British became master of Sylhet district by virtue of the grant of Dewani of Bengal to the East India Company in 1765[23]. After the annexation of the Jaintia Kingdom by the British in 1835 it was joined with the Khasi states and put under one Political Agent of the British. The Khasi rebellion against the British which started in 1829 under the leadership of U Tirot Singh ended with his surrender on 13^th January 1833, while the Jaintia rebellion against the British which started in 1860 lasted only a few years after the capture and execution of their chief leader U Kiang Nangbah on December 30, 1862.

5. The Khasi and Jaintia tribes of Barak Valley

Lack of records during the pre-British years makes us rely on oral history of the tribes for reference. In the remote past, they had come from the adjoining Jaintia Kingdom (which extended to Sylhet district in the south) to cultivate betel vines in the forested hills of south Assam, particularly, in the forests of Borail range, Bhuban Hills, Longai range, Garmura range and other ranges and forest areas. The Jaintias were the first to settle in these forests; the Khasis came at a later stage. They lived together as a community in small hamlets in the forests and were scattered all over the forested areas. They did not mind walking long distances to reach a market place once or twice a week to sell their produce or buy their simple necessities like salt.

The Khasis and Jaintias were commonly referred to as Khasia in the past and even today by non-tribals. Hunter (1879), notes that Mr. Edgar, the Deputy Commissioner in 1870 had put the population of the Khasias and Assamese in Cachar at 1000 souls[24]. This information however does not give an exact figure on the population of the Khasis (& Jaintias) then. We can postulate that if the Khasis and Assamese were approximately equal in number and if we are to assume an average of 5 persons per household, then the number of Khasi & Jaintia households in 1870 were approximately 100 in number. Their present population, according to an ongoing independent survey, is approximately 1,00,000 (one lakh)[25] which is <0.3%. The survey has so far been completed in 285 Khasi & Jaintia hamlets and villages in Barak valley.

6. Traditional Livelihood of the Khasi and Jaintia tribes in Barak Valley

The Khasi and Jaintia tribes living in south Assam (Barak Valley) during the past were an obscure community, particularly so, because of their unique and traditional means of livelihood by cultivation of betel vines for their leaves. Unlike cultivation of betel leaf in other parts of India, their traditional method involves the use of trees as support for the betel vines and dead leaves and branches as organic manure for the betel plants.

Therefore, forests and trees are vital to the survival of the tribes because this was, and is, the only traditional means of livelihood for them. And so, their communities lived in forested areas where trees are abundant and hence they had very little contact with the local population who are settled in the plain areas. The variety of betel leaf they cultivate is known locally as the Khasia paan, among the Bengalis, which they sell at weekly haats or bazaars.

After 7-10 years, when the soil has reduced in fertility and production of leaves by the betel vines has reduced, these tribes shift their cultivation to a fresh patch of the forest. It might therefore be observed that while betel leaf cultivation by the Khasi and Jaintia tribes is a shifting cultivation by virtue of it being organic, it is yet a method of cultivation that preserves trees and forests. So, even if it is referred to as Paan-jhum, it is completely different to the normal jhum cultivation of other tribes and communities which is more of a ‘slash and burn type’.  Hence, ‘jhum’ seems to be a misnomer where the paan-jhum of the Khasi and Jaintia betel leaf cultivation is concerned.

7. Customs and Traditions

The nature of their livelihood not only obscures them from the outside world, but it also served to preserve their unique identity, culture and traditional practices as a separate ethnic group. Their hamlets and villages are administered by their age-old democratic system of governance in which a village headman (Gaonburra) is elected by the adult members of the village which comprise the Village Durbar. The Village Durbar is supreme and the Headman is only a titular head. Succession to the Headmanship is hereditary and it follows the Khasi and Jaintia traditional and customary laws. There are instances where Headmanship is taken over by women. This is a trait practised only in south Assam among the Khasi and Jaintia tribes in India. In the present day Khasi and Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya, it is still a taboo or against tradition for a woman to even be part of the Village Durbar.

Though most of the Khasi and Jaintia tribes have converted to Christianity through the works and efforts of Christian missionaries since the 19^th century, some of them still practice their indigenous religion known as Niamtre. However, this change in religion did not affect their other customs and traditions which are at the core of their ethnic culture.

The Khasi and Jaintia tribes’ limited exposure outside of their own communes is the local bazaar, where they sell their betel leaves and other produce and to procure items like salt, dry-fish, clothes and grocery and kerosene to fuel their lamps which has replaced beeswax in modern times. Local traders also come to their punjees (villages/hamlets) to directly purchase betel leaves at wholesale prices.

8. Effect of political changes on the Khasi and Jaintia tribes in Barak Valley

8.1 Pre-British period

During the days of the Jaintia Kings and the Kachari kings, the Khasi and Jaintia tribes living as betel leaf cultivators lived in peace in their small hamlets amidst jungles and forests. They were fiercely independent and were left to themselves and respected as a tribe. Their hamlets were scattered in the vast forest areas of the then Cachar Kingdom and south-eastern part of the Jaintia Kingdom. A hamlet sometimes comprised of only two to five households.

8.2 British period

After the British took possession of Cachar district in 1830 (which then included the whole of South Assam), they declared all forest areas as Government reserve land and granted leases to Tea Companies for growing tea. This act of the British government deprived the Khasi and Jaintia tribes of their traditional occupation of betel-vine cultivation in the forests. The original settlers were now considered foreigners in their own land. The simple and illiterate Khasi & Jaintia Betel Leaf cultivators then had to pay taxes and apply for permission to continue with their existing Betel Leaf cultivation. (See Annexure A for copies of agreements and  rent receipts)

A copy of the letter written in Khasi to the Commissioner (see Annexure B) as indicated in the notes in the year 1904 from Assam Secretariat in Diary No. 68 under the Branch Diary Heading – Forests, states that the undersigned were inhabitants of Kunapara and Marwacherra hamlets near Borkhola (these villages still exist today) in Cachar district of Assam. The gist of the letter is that - the petitioners argued that it would be an injustice and deprivation of their means of livelihood if they were not allowed to continue with their age-old practice of betel leaf cultivation as they had done in the past. They further stated that they and their children would starve to death if denied of their only means of livelihood. They also clarified that their method of Paan-jhum should not be misconceived as a slash and burn jhum system but rather as one that protects trees and forests. They also mention that they pay their taxes regularly to the Government.

This is a typical example of what the Khasi and Jaintia tribes had to go through when political rulers changed. They were deprived of their rights to livelihood and rights as indigenous forest dwellers.

Copy of Government records available to us state the history of Damcherra Punji (Alambag) thus:

“The Jum permit was granted to Jata Khasia in the year 1917. After Jata Khasia one Konlowar Khasia was appointed Headman and the present Headman Padwin Khasi was appointed Headman in place of Konlowar Khasia vide D.C’s Memo No. 21329-32/R.dated 4/2/60 in R.P.No.5 of 1959-60.”

(see Annexure C for copy of Government documents)

8.3 Post British period

After the Government of India Act 1919 and 1935 were passed by the British government, their situation did not change or improve because the Government of India also continued with the British policies with respect to Forests. A copy of the petition addressed to the then Divisional Forest Officer of Cachar and signed by Arshibai Khasia and Lakhon Khasia dated 18^th April 1947 (see Annexure D) indicated that the Khasi & Jaintia were faced with severe hardships and deprivation with regard to their means of livelihood.

The letter states that owing to depleting yield of their present betel leaf cultivation at Marwacherra village, the villagers were finding it hard to make both ends meet. They therefore petitioned for settlement of a forest area under Balicherra grant of Cachar district measuring about 200 hals (≈ 1000 acres) so that they can start fresh cultivation of betel leaf with payment of requisite tax. The petitioners also mentioned that the Khasia villagers had been living in the present area for ten years and were of reputation and did no harm to the land.

Their petition probably fell on deaf ears because in another copy of a petition signed by the same petitioners, Arshibai and Lakhon, dated 22^nd March 1948 and addressed to the Deputy Commissioner (DC) of Cachar district, the same issue was quoted citing another previously signed petition dated 24^th July 1947 as reference. (See Annexure E)

8.4 Post Independence period

The Assam Government also failed to recognise the rights of indigenous forest settlers and give them ownership over land. To make matters worse, immigrants from Bangladesh, who continuously entered through the porous international border of Assam right from 1947 began to engage in intimidation and harassment of the tribals with the help of Muslim miscreants and with the intention of grabbing their land and cultivation.

Post Independence, there was some increase in the population of the tribes after some relatives from adjoining Jaintia Hills also came to settle for betel leaf cultivation. There was also some migration of Khasi & Jaintia tribes during the Indo-Pak war of 1970-71 towards the Indian territory along the Indo-Pak boundary. But hostile environment caused by timber poachers and land-grabbers have again caused their migration and displacement to other villages or to Meghalaya.

The destruction of forests by timber poachers and miscreants threatened their livelihood and it was a grave concern for the Khasi and Jaintia tribes. In an effort to protect the forests, the tribes under the leadership of (Late) Min Paul Pohthmi approached the Forest Department with the suggestion of forming Volunteer forces in five Khasia villages in Bhuban Hills Reserve Forest area, namely, Maskhal, Panichowki (Bhuban Hill), Krishnapur, Nagakhal and Bhubonkhal punjees, for prevention and detection of illegalities in the Reserve Forests.

A specific example may be mentioned of the Panichowki Reserve punjee (aka Bhuban Hill Khasia punjee). Five volunteers were appointed by the Divisional Forest Officer of Silchar Division vide letter no. B/6247/78/14 (T.V) dated the 15^th Feb 1991. The volunteers dutifully and diligently patrolled the Reserve Forest within their area at least once a week to check for illegal activities with the assistance of their fellow-villagers. During their exercise of duty, timber poachers were seized along with their tools and handed over to the Forest Beat Officer. But the Forest officials never took action against the poachers and freed them by bribery. It was an exercise in futility and defeated the morale of the volunteers. Instead, they gained the enmity of the poacher community who took to intimidation and aggression against the tribals.[26]

9. Chronic problems and issues affecting the Khasi and Jaintia tribes in Barak Valley

9.1 Tribes, but not Scheduled Tribes: The Govt. of India Scheduled Caste & Scheduled Tribes Orders (Ammendment) Act 1976 and the revised list of Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes Orders (Ammendment) Act 2002 issued by Department of Welfare of Plain Tribes and Backward Classes, Govt. of Assam in 2003 (vide order no. TAD/BC/87/93/46 dated the 1^st April 2003) has dubiously recognised the Khasi, Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi and Lyngngam tribes as Hill tribes but this Scheduled Tribe status is applicable only in the Autonomous Districts of Assam where their population is but in small numbers compared to their majority population in the plains districts of south Assam (Cachar, Karimganj & Hailakandi). It may be worth mentioning here that, while the Government of Assam had in 2001 accorded ST status to the Garo tribe all over Assam who were, till then, also excluded from the ST status in Non-Autonomous areas of Assam, the Khasi and Jaintias are yet to be notified as Scheduled Tribes (ST) in all districts of Assam. Several letters and memoranda have been submitted to the Governor, Ministers and Commissioners (WPT & BC) of Assam, but so far no action is taken in this regard. Non-recognition as Scheduled tribes in plains districts has deprived the Khasi and Jaintia tribes from job and other opportunities. They are hence still behind the mainstream of the Indian nation.

9.2 Land Grabbing: The process of land-grabbing by suspected Bangladeshi immigrants over the years had caused massive displacement and migration of the tribes to Meghalaya state and to upper Assam which has resulted in reduction of their population in south Assam. This process has been going on for many years now and many of the Khasi and Jaintia villages have been ravaged, attacked and being overrun by suspected Bangladeshi immigrants with the connivance of some Muslim miscreants and sometimes with the open collusion of the Government Officials. The use of force and vandalism to villages and their Betel leaf and Betel nut cultivations has caused severe loss to property and also displacement of the indigenous Khasi & Jaintia communities. (See Annexure F for few media reports)

9.3 Atrocities against girls and women: Instances of rape and kidnapping of Khasi and Jaintia girls and women by Muslim miscreants have been taking place and also reported in the media. This causes insecurity for their girls and women even in public places. Khasi & Jaintia girls and women are being lured and kidnapped by their non-tribal neighbours (mostly Muslim) to forcefully marry them to eventually hoard their lands because the Khasis and Jaintias are matrilineal tribes.  (See Annexure G for some reported instances)

9.4 Deprivation of Forest Rights: The Khasi and Jaintia tribes are forest dwellers by virtue of their traditional means of livelihood, i.e. betel leaf cultivation using trees and forests. But the Forest Department fail to recognise their indigenous rights or their contribution to conserving the forests. The very nature of their livelihood puts them at odds with the timber poachers and Forest officials who seem to condone these timber poachers for their personal benefit. Therefore, there have been many unreported skirmishes between the eco-friendly Khasi and Jaintia tribes and the benefit-seeking immigrants and Muslim miscreants trying to make easy money by destroying forest resources including timber and Non-timber forest products (NTFP) like canes, rattans, bamboos, etc. It is not questionable why Forest officials continue to harass indigenous forest dwellers. (See Annexure H for relevant media reports)

9.5 Effect of Militancy: The Khasi & Jaintia villages located in forests and in isolation are prone to extortion and abuse and even threat to their lives from different militant groups hiding in different forests of south Assam and using the jungle as corridors to cross State and International borders. They are placed in a catch-22 situation where on the one hand, informing on the militants would invite the militant’s wrath and revenge on the defenceless villagers, and on the other hand, they are accused of harbouring militants for not informing on the militants. Thankfully, now, the militancy problem has subsided but the fear that it would rear its ugly head again persists. There have been instances when the Khasi and Jaintia villagers had cooperated with the local Police and the army and also took active part in their campaign against the militants. (See Annexure I for media reports)

9.6 State Government apathy: The creation of the Barak Valley (Hill Tribes) Development Council (vide Government notification No.TAD/BC/30/96/34 dated the 13^th March 1996), has failed to address the development issues of the Khasi and Jaintia tribes because they are under-represented in the council with respect to their percentage of population. Moreover, the functioning of the Barak Valley (Hill Tribe) Development Council is also fraught with anomalies and alleged corruption. The District Administrations and the State Government including the Chief Minister and several representatives have been approached formally and informally several times in the past to address these grievances, but till date no positive outcome has resulted from the repeated endeavours and requests. (See Annexure J for media reports)

9.7 Growing unrest among the youth: Government apathy to address the above issues and to improve the welfare and upliftment of the Khasi and Jaintia tribes is leading to growing unrest among the youths. This is a dangerous trend which needs to be resolved immediately.

10. Suggested Solutions to problems

The Khasi and Jaintia people of south Assam have been demanding the following steps to positively address most of their problems:

i)        Creation of a permanent and democratic ‘Khasi & Jaintia Development Council’ and ‘Village Development Councils’ within the framework of the Indian Constitution and whose jurisdiction will be applicable only to Khasi and Jaintia villages of Assam to serve their development needs in every field and to eliminate social and economic discrimination against them.

ii)      To accord full Scheduled Tribe status to the indigenous Khasi and Jaintia tribes (which include the Khynriam, Jaintia (Pnar), War, Lyngngam, Bhoi and Maram tribes) in all districts and the whole State of Assam and to notify the same in the Gazettes of Assam and India.

iii)    To provide Government Khas land and funds for construction of the “Khasi and Jaintia Development Council” Students’ Hostel cum Guest house at Silchar, Karimganj and Hailakandi (district headquarters) which will serve as safe houses for the Khasi and Jaintia people coming to town for medical treatment, official or educational purposes. The construction of the Students’ Hostel cum Guest house is to be undertaken in a phased manner beginning with the main town of Silchar.

iv)    To include Khasi as one of the subjects at Primary Schools in the Khasi and Jaintia dominated villages of Assam.

v)      To nominate two members (elected by the communities) to the proposed Vidhan Parishad of the Assam Government from among the Khasi and Jaintia communities in Assam to represent their aspirations and interests.

vi)    Creation of a Volunteer force comprising of unemployed Khasi and Jaintia youths in the International Indo-Bangla Border area to assist Security forces in checking illegal Bangladeshi immigrants into India.

11. Conclusion

The Khasi and Jaintia tribes though being original settlers in south Assam are still treated as insignificant citizens of the state and country. Their unique identity and culture is under threat of extermination from influx of illegal immigrants and Muslim miscreants and also by the apathy of the State Government. With a population of about a lakh number (< 0.3% of Assam’s population) in the Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi districts of south Assam, a literacy rate of less than 10%, and non-representation in the mainstream, they deserve a special consideration from the State and Central Governments for their continuing future in the pluralism of India as a nation.

Constitution of Village Development Councils at village levels to be administered through the Khasi & Jaintia Development Council as the apex body will meet the needs of their tribes to remove social and economic discrimination and serve to ameliorate the deplorable conditions of their tribes and guide their youths in the right direction so that they can participate effectively in governance and nation- building. All these can be achieved within the framework of the Constitution of India, which has provisions for protection of the minorities and scheduled tribes.

  

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[1] Bhattacharya,  N. N., Environment, Land and People of Jaintia Hills. In Jaintia Hills- A Meghalaya Tribe – Its Environment, Land and People (eds Passah P. and Sarma S.) Reliance Publishing House, New – Delhi, 2002, p.3.

[2] Sen, S., Narrative, Ritual and Historical Events: The Jaintia Identity. In Jaintia Hills- A Meghalaya Tribe – Its Environment, Land and People (eds Passah P. and Sarma S.) Reliance Publishing House, New – Delhi, 2002, p.93.

[3] Bhuyan, S. K., Jayantia Buranji. Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Gauhati, 1937.

[4] Nongkynrih, K. S., Around the Hearth. Khasi Legends. Penguin Books India, 2007. pp. 1-7.

[5] Simon, I. M., Khasi and Jaintia Tales and Beliefs. Gauhati University, Gauhati, 1996.

[6] Sen, S., Narrative, Ritual and Historical Events: The Jaintia Identity. In Jaintia Hills- A Meghalaya Tribe – Its Environment, Land and People (eds Passah P. and Sarma S.) Reliance Publishing House, New – Delhi, 2002, p.91.

[7] Pakem, B., State Formation in Pre-Colonial Jaintia. In Tribal Politics and State Systems in Pre-Colonial Eastern and North Eastern India (ed Surajit Sinha) K. P. Bagchi & Company, Calcutta, 1987.  pp. 243-245.

[8] Gurdon, P. R. T., The Khasi. Macmilan and Co., Limited, London, 1914 (Second edition).

[9] Nongkynrih, K. S., Around the Hearth. Khasi Legends. Penguin Books India, 2007. pp. 16-21.

[10] Ngapkynta, H. B., A Short History of Khasi Literature, Khasi Publishers Allied Society, Shillong, 2003 (6^th Edition).

[11] Chowdhury, J. N., The Khasi Canvas, Chapala Book Stall, Shillong, 1978.

[12] Bhattacharya,  N. N., Environment, Land and People of Jaintia Hills. In Jaintia Hills- A Meghalaya Tribe – Its Environment, Land and People (eds Passah P. and Sarma S.) Reliance Publishing House, New – Delhi, 2002, p.3.

[13] Sidwell, P. and Blench, R., The Austroasiatic Urheimat: the Southeastern Riverine Hypothesis. In Dynamics of Human Diversity, Pacific Linguistics, 2011, pp. 317-345.

[14] Prokop, P. and Suliga, I., Two thousand years of iron smelting in the Khasi Hills, Meghalaya, North East India. In Current Science, 2013, Vol. 102, No. 6, pp 761-768.

[15] Pakem, B., Megalithic Problem of Meghalaya: A case study of Megaliths of Jaintia Hills. In Journal of North East India Council of Social Science Research, Vol. 16, No. 1, 1999, p. 4.

[16] Pakem, B., The Changing Power Structure of the Political Chieftainship, Journal of North East India Council for Social Science Research, 1977, Vol 1, No.1.

[17] Gait, E., A History of Assam (7^th Edition), Lawyers Book Stall, Guwahati, 1997.

[18] Chowdhury, J. N., The Khasi Canvas, Chapala Book Stall, Shillong, 1978. P. 235.

[19] Ibid. p. 232.

[20] Gait, E., A History of Assam (7^th Edition), Lawyers Book Stall, Guwahati, 1997.

[21] Devi, L., Ahom-tribal relations: A Political study, Assam Book Depot, Calcutta, 1968, p. 107.

[22] Mackenzie, A., The North-East Frontier of India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 1999, p.217.

[23] Chowdhury, J. N., The Khasi Canvas, Chapala Book Stall, Shillong, 1978, p. 253.

[24] Hunter, W. W., A Statistical Account of Assam, Vol. II, Macmilan and Co. Limited, London, 1879, p 395.

[25] (Unpublished) Abstract of Population data of Khasi & Jaintia communities in Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi Districts of Assam, Barak Valley Khasi & Jaintia Welfare Organisation, Silchar.

[26] Interview with the Headman, Panichowki Reserve Punjee.